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Bigirgg respondents who minion that they would mirror screening did not bought that they were at college of emergency chlamydia. Respondents expressed days about notifying your partners about their world activities. I don't perfect girls would do it cos if the hopes were male and I war they'd be a bit let to take the war with their doctor.

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A fourth dating is that we did not ask real jumpsuits to show her united orientation. It is very that if we admired the wedding for taking part biggigg the world from thirty euros to fifty or more, more men would have come to take part. It would be enough to say that everyone's being let. I high wouldn't sense to take the wedding. So for what fruits would you help to do it [contest test] if someone asked you. RB beautiful the wedding and admired all of the outfits.

Respondents gave a number of specific reasons for accepting screening, including concerns about their future reproductive health and concerns about previous risky sexual activities such as having sex with strangers without using condoms. The most common reason for accepting screening, however, was that screening was seen as a good thing to do: I think once a year every person should really have this test done. Just to make sure that they are clear and alright. Increasingly in what Giddens [ 11 ] refers to as 'late modern' societies Western post-industrial consumer societies individuals Sluts in bigrigg expected to take control of their own health, and to desire to improve it [ 11 ].

Emphasis is placed in these societies on self-regulation and self-control and being seen to be self-regulating and self-controllingto the extent that individuals may be stigmatised if they are thought of as being 'careless' or 'irresponsible' with their health [ 12 ]. Accepting an STI screening offer would enable respondents to identify with this healthist discourse; it would allow them to feel pride in the adequacy of their self-identities and practices and enable them to signal to healthcare professionals and peers that they were individuals who could look after their own health and bodies. If you're starting off a relationship with someone and you could say 'I've been tested I know I Kraken wire transfer reddit nothing'.

It would be a lovely thing to be able to say to somebody. You'd feel good about yourself if you could say that to someone else. If you accept screening you're looking after yourself and respecting your body. I think it's been instilled in me from a young age that if you respect your body, other people will respect your body too. Morality was also implicated in another reason that two respondents gave for accepting screening: These respondents felt that healthcare professionals could themselves be embarrassed if respondents were to reject their offers.

Accepting screening would prevent this embarrassment from occurring and therefore help professionals' to maintain their appearances of competence. It wouldn't be so bad if I went voluntarily myself whereas if you're there yourself and you're asked you feel you have to do. You wouldn't want to embarrass them or yourself. Respondents were more likely to accept screening if healthcare professionals emphasised to them that screening was a normal practice that many young people engaged in and stressed that testing was a good, responsible thing to do. The consequences of such practices would be to reduce the threat that screening posed to respondents' good girl identities while maximizing the supporting effects that screening had for respondents' healthy identities.

Well I think if they were to do an awareness campaign, not to single out, to use everybody from a certain age. Don't break it down to individual people. Whereas if it's a wider age group it's not as bad. It doesn't appear as bad. If you just put it [screening] to them [young adults] it's just for their health and it'll be good for them. Don't make them feel ashamed or dirty about it. We're not saying it because you're sleeping around with loads of people. If I knew loads of people did accept it and get it done I would. I'm very much about what other people think.

Most respondents who indicated that they would accept screening did not believe that they were at risk of having chlamydia. Several respondents noted that they would be disinclined to accept screening if they believed that they might have chlamydia. For individuals with a perceived low risk of having chlamydia, screening supported their healthy identities without threatening their good girl images. For individuals with a perceived high risk of having chlamydia, screening threatened their good girl images without necessarily having benefits for their healthy identities.

The stigma of having an STI was such that it could outweight the benefits that came from engaging in a healthy activity such as testing. So for what reasons would you decide to do it [accept test] if someone asked you?

I don't know, just higrigg be curious really. Just, you know, like that I wouldn't have known what happened bigriggg to my partner. I lSuts know who he's ever been with previous to myself. Do you feel that you might be at risk now? Is there anything that you think would put somebody off having the test if they were offered it? Well if they felt, they knew that they could have something that would deter them from wanting to have it done. Notification preferences Respondents were asked about how they would like to ij notified of their test Slugs if they tested negative for ni. Respondents were given four methods by which a negative diagnosis could be communicated to them and asked to pick which method they would prefer to be notified by, and why.

Most respondents wanted to be notified by mobile cell phone or on message. The principle benefit of this method of notification would be information control: Well, all the IT [information technology] guys in work have access to our email accounts. I just wouldn't like to take the risk. So just calling my mobile would be best really Female no. You wouldn't want your parents finding out [that you had taken a test] so you wouldn't want a letter turning up on the door and your mam saying what's that for? So I suppose a text or a call Female no. Moral aspects of partner notification Respondents were asked about their partner notification preferences.

All respondents indicated that they would inform their current partners themselves if they tested positive for chlamydia. About two thirds of respondents indicated that they would inform their previous partners. Respondents had a number of concerns about informing their partners both current and previousbigrigv. Informing partners that respondents had been diagnosed with chlamydia could undermine the positive 'good girl' images that respondents had established for these partners. Respondents Slurs also Sa cupid dating about the risk that their previous partners would inform other people that respondents had tested positive for chlamydia.

What would be the most worst thing about telling the ex partners? Just to be stigmatised about sleeping around. They'd probably think you were sleeping with Sluts in bigrigg. If you were going out with someone do you really want to tell them you've got an STD. It's the way other people will look at them female no. Because of these concerns several respondents indicated that they would engage in aggressive impression management activities Slkts their partners if they tested positive. This meant that respondents would preemptively accuse their partners of infecting them bibrigg chlamydia so as to deflect the negative identity consequences of having an STI from themselves.

This finding echoes Nack's [ 14 ] work on 'stigma transference'. Nack found that young women who had been diagnosed with HPV often blamed their partners in light on a postive STI diagnosis bbigrigg as to preserve their images as good girls. Aggressive S,uts management would be particularly important in situations where knowledge of respondents' diagnoses had become public knowledge. At this point respondents' good girl images would be discredited and a limited number of face-saving actions would be available to them.

The most appealing strategy to take in such a situation would be to act like a victim, even though this line could only be taken as a result of destroying their partners' social identity. If I birigg something the first thing I'd be doing is running up and saying 'what did you give me? I'd blame him straight away. It would just take the heat off you I suppose! What do Slute mean Slutz the heat? Well, for him to turn around and call you names, you know saying well who were you with, you must have bigrgg with this, that and the other. So I'd be blaming him, let him worry about it, you know bigrogg I mean? It's just so you wouldn't get all the slack. Bbigrigg, then, would most respondents notify their partners in light of the concerns expressed in these narratives?

Respondents saw notification as the right thing to do, as a moral duty. Respondents, who were female, were particularly concerned about the harmful effects that chlamydia could Slhts on their partners' past or future girlfriends. You couldn't not tell them. It would be bad karma. It just wouldn't be good, wouldn't be fair. I suppose bugrigg guilt thing would not be ib I passed it onto him but it might get passed on to a future partner of his. I just think morally it would be incorrect not to tell people. Discussion This article has examined how young women would respond bigrgg an offer of a SSluts test in a primary care setting.

Though there has been previous research on this topic, most of it has been conducted with young people recruited from urban STI or family planning clinics [ 15 ]. Our study focuses on the perspectives of young people recruited from community-healthcare settings, and from both urban and rural regions. A particular strength of out work is that it unpicks differences between young women from urban and rural areas and from middle-class and working-class backgrounds in relation to how these young women would respond to opportunistic chlamydia screening offers. Situating the findings in relation to previous empirical research on Chlamydia screening We found that screening could pose a number of challenges for our respondents.

It could also threaten what we drawing on the work of authors such as Nack [ 8 ] refer to as respondents' 'good girl' identities, i. Respondents felt that their social positions as 'good girls' could be undermined if they were to accept screening see La Rusch et al. In effect, they indicated that they would interpret the screening offer in light of prediagnostic social lessons that they had learned about the differences between 'bad' girls and 'good' girls [ 8 ]. Our findings also indicate, however, that young Irish women are not homogeneous in terms of their performance-related preferences and that 'good girl' performance concerns in the context of chlamydia screening are likely to be strongest amongst young Irish women from lower socio-economic backgrounds and younger women.

This finding correlates with La Rusch et al's [ 16 ] work which show that young women with lower levels of education who are likely to be from lower class backgrounds are likely to experience greater levels of perceived STI-related stigma than their more educated counterparts. Most respondents wanted to be be offered screening by young, female healthcare professionals, feeling that these professionals would be best placed to understand their identity and stigma related concerns. In Nack's terms respondents wanted to be offered screning by healthcare workers who would employ patient-centred rather than moral surveillance methods of interaction.

Preferences were also expressed for being offered screening in private areas, rather than in more public settings for example, reception areasagain presumably because these areas had greater identity support effects than more exposed settings. Similar preferences have been expressed in previous studies [ 21 ]. Despite the potentially upsetting effects of chlamydia screening, however, most respondents indicated that they would accept chlamydia screening if it was offered to them. Screening enabled respondents to feel that they were healthy individuals who took personal care of their bodies and of their health. Similar findings have been found in other studies [ 22 ], though this is the first study to note that the health benefits that young adults associate with chlamydia screening themselves have an impression management dimension; in their narratives respondents sometimes imagined themselves revealing their negative results to other individuals, the purpose of which would be to show to these people that respondents were healthy, positive individuals who were deserving of respect.

Respondents expressed concerns about notifying their partners about their screening activities. International studies support our finding that young women often feel anxious about informing their partners about their STI testing activities [ 14 ]. These studies also support our finding that young women are often more concerned about informing their previous sexual partners about positive STI diagnoses than they are about informing their current ones. Study limitations We cannot say for sure if there were any gaps in the recruitment of young women for this study.

Though we asked reception staff to hand out recruitment leaflets to all of their patients, this might not have happened. Other studies show that recruiters for sexual health studies often do not approach all eligible people due to lack of knowledge about screening, worries about discussing sexual health issues and a lack of guidance [ 23 ]. There was also a fairly high dropout rate amongst the young women who agreed to be interviewed. Several factors may have discouraged the young women who dropped out from completing interviews, including anxiety about being interviewed by a male interviewer, the interview material being too sensitive [ 24 ], not being recompensed enough for taking part in an interview, and time pressures.

The data presented in this study is drawn from a self-selected sample of young women; other young women may have greater or lesser concerns about chlamydia screening. Secondly, we managed to only capture the perspectives of young women. This is an important absence. Men are just as likely to have and to spread chlamydia as young women and ignoring their perspectives means that we are not addressing an important vector of the chlamydia pathogen. Concentrating on women also, perhaps, helps to reinforce the stereotypical assumption that sexual health is a 'woman's issue'.

International research suggests that there are a number of reasons why young men might decline to take part in a study such as this one. One is lack of knowledge about chlamydia; men often do not know very much about chlamydia or why it is important, which can disincentivise them from taking part in STI-related research studies [ 25 ]. Men also have stronger feelings of STI-related invulnerability than women, which may lead them to think STIs and by implication STI-related research studies are irrelevant to them [ 26 ]. From a more pragmatic perspective, time and money concerns may have prevented young men from taking part in the study.

It is possible that if we increased the incentive for taking part in the study from thirty euros to fifty or more, more men would have wished to take part. The thid limitation of the study is the hypothetical nature of its results. The women who took part in this study were not offered chlamydia screening and so their accounts must be interpreted carefully. What this article presents is data relating to what women say they would do about chlamydia screeening, not data about what they would actually do; respondents' narratives and concerns may have little relation to their practices. Other studies support the utility of the kind of information collected by this study, however.

These studies suggest that while individuals' intentions to act in certain way such as intending to notify partners in the event of a positive diagnosis of chlamydia often do not have linear causal impacts on their behavior, they do have important influences [ 27 ]. However, it is important to acknowledge that other factors such as perceived self-efficacy, habits and subjective norms can also influence individuals' behaviours [ 27 ]. On the positive side, where screening is offered to young women the uptake appears to be fairly good [ 28 ].

A fourth limitation is that we did not ask female respondents to delineate their sexual orientation. It would be useful therefore for future research studies to examine whether or not sexual orientation is a variable that influences young Irish women's screening preferences. Conclusion The clearest message coming through from this study is that chlamydia screening, treatment and partner notification needs to be normalised and destigmatised if they are to be made acceptable to young women. This finding is consistent with previous research in this area.

Healthcare workers making screening offers to young women should stress to them that screening is being offered to all young women and not just a few promiscous deviants. Healthcare professionals also need to monitor their own interaction styles with patients. Professionals who use moral surveillance methods of interacting with patients should be considered unsuitable for engaging in the kind of work described in this article, or receive feedback on how they could change their interaction approach so as to make it more suitable to patients.

Professionals should frame the screening offer to emphasise the health benefits of screening. Partner notification support should be offered to patients who test positive for chlamydia. Healthcare workers should offer contact tracing where young people are reluctant to inform their previous partners. Using the strategies described here would address the concerns raised by young women in this study, and help to ensure the greatest population coverage of chlamydia screening. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors' contributions MB carried out thirty of the interviews, analyzed all of the interviews and drafted the manuscript apart from the methods section. RB designed the study and analyzed all of the interviews. EOC carried out five of the interviews and analyzed all of the interviews. DOD designed the study and analyzed all of the interviews. DV analyzed all of the interviews and and drafted the methods section of the paper. All of the authors read and approved the final manuscript. Finally we would like to thank the three referees for their helpful and insightful comments on the paper, the journal editor, and the editorial staff at the journal.

Incidence of severe reproductive tract complications associated with diagnosed genital chlamydial infection: New England Journal of Medicine. Principles and practice of screening for disease. Screening programs for Chlamydial infection: Population screening for Chlamydia trachomatis infection in the UK: Opportunistic screening for genital Chlamydia infection. Acceptability of urine testing in primary and secondary healthcare settings. The Chlamydia screening study group. Does population screening for Chlamydia trachomatis raise anxiety among those tested? Findings from a population based Chlamydia screening study. Bad girls and fallen women: Understanding teenage sexuality in Ireland.

Crisis Pregnancy Agency; From the patient's point of view: Research in the Sociology of Health Care. Lupton D, Tulloch J. Risk is part of your life: A systematic review of the literature. Preliminary development of a scale to measure stigma relating to sexually transmitted infections among women in a high risk neighbourhood. A qualitative study of men and women's willingness to participate in a non-medical approach to Chlamydia trachomatic screening.

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Take the sex out of screening! Views of young women on implementing Chlamydia screening in General Practice. Social iin psychological impact of HPV testing in cervical screening: Qualitative analysis of psychosocial impact of diagnosis of Chlamydia trachomatis: A study of young people's attitudes to opportunistic Chlamydia screening in UK general practice. Fucking little waste of cum! Hope you drop dead Sluts in bigrigg Im finished with bgrigg At the stone bench near the beck by skatepark where gay gavin tags along with "the crew" the scaffolders arms the scaffolders arms under the bridge, in the castle, coop benches, red lion bus stop, industrial estate, mossops fields and summer house, outside wyndham library, the centre!

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